Personal comments and evaluation by Robert F. Dernberger, Professor Emeritus of Economics and Director, Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan I have been studying China's economy since 1953 and have finally reached the ranks of the Professors Emeritae. I guess my generation can be called the Old "New China" hands. In any event, the first two decades of my career were spent in learning how to pose as an expert on China's economy without ever having visited China or even having access to useful sets of data for that economy. The First Five-Year Plan (1952- 1957), published in 1955, was the first significant collection of absolute figures for the level of economic activities in China for the post-1949 period (the hard data published in that volume was for the year 1952) to be made available in the West and The Ten Great Years, published to celebrate the first decade of Communist rule in 1959, included absolute values for a large number of major economic and social indicators for that decade. [See note 1] The failure of Mao's Great Leap Forward in 1959-61 brought starvation to the Chinese people, but also brought frustration to any hopes for more published statistics for developments in China during the 1960's. In fact, the period 1959 through the end of the 1960's can be called the Dark Ages for quantitative information of economic developments in China. Propaganda and slogans had replaced meaningful statistics in published accounts of economic and social developments in China and we had to b e satisfied with statements such as "output was higher than last year," "output increased this year," and "output this year was the highest level since the 1950's." Our hopes were revived somewhat by developments in the 1970's. The signing of the Shanghai Communiqu in 1972 created the opportunity for scholarly exchanges between the United States and China. Thus, for the first time we could see for ourselves the economy we had been trying to describe for almost two decades. Furthermore, reports of government officials and articles in the controlled press became more quantitative during the 1970s. Nonetheless, the amount and quality of statistics available for the study of the Chinese economy remained a serious constraint on sound and detailed, quantitative analyses of economic and social developments in China. This did not, of course, prevent us from publishing our assessments of developments in China, often based on little more than policy statements, scattered Chinese and Western press reports, and our own and the written reports of others' study trips of various durations - usually three weeks to a month. Then came the watershed in the evolution of post-49 China; the transition of leadership in China from the era of Mao to the era of Deng Xiaoping, usually dated as the 3rd Plenum of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in November/December of 1979. At that Plenum, the leadership of Hua Guofeng (Mao's chosen successor, Mao having died in 1976) began to crumble in the face of the reemergence of Deng Xiaoping (Deng having been purged of his Party positions after the death of his guardian mentor, Zhou Enlai, in 1976). Hua represented the forces of the "Whateverist" school, while Deng represented "Truth from Facts." The Whateverists believed that whatever programs Mao had advocated on the basis of his voluntaristic interpretation of Marxism- Leninism were to be implemented in being true to Maoism. Those who agreed with Deng believed that policies or programs advocated in the name of Marxism-Leninism had to meet the test of empirical results to prove they would work before being implemented throughout the economy. This greater respect for accurate empirical evidence complemented and facilitated the revival of the collection and publication of statistics for economic and social developments in China. Indeed, statistical work became a most serious and high priority enterprise in China after 1978. Origins of the Provincial Yearbooks' County-level Data Project at the University of Michigan During the worst days of the Cultural Revolution, the State Statistical Bureau (SSB) in Beijing was hit harder than most institutions in losing professional staff who were being sent to the countryside to learn from and endure the sufferings of the masses. At a low point, its professional staff was reduced to only 13 statistical workers. Obviously, the collection and publication of meaningful national-level statistics was not possible during those years. As with other institutions, however, the State Statistical Bureau began to rebuild and reassert its traditional mission after the end of the Cultural Revolution. This process was well under way by the time of the 3rd Plenum, but it was not until 1982 that the State Statistical Bureau had rebuilt its hierarchy of provincial, prefectural, and county-level bureaus and offices under the Bureau's national-level offices in Beijing (i.e., the State Statistical Bureau, located within the same buildings and with close ties to the State Planning Commission). Thus, in August of 1982, the State Statistical Bureau was able to compile and publish the first of the annual Statistical Yearbooks of China. [2] Copies of Statistical Yearbooks for the individual provinces began to appear soon thereafter. [3] These yearbooks were compiled by the Statistical Bureau of the relevant province and in the early years were published, in most cases, by the People's Publishing House of the same province. Over time, the format followed in these provincial statistical yearbooks became more uniform and publication has been taken over the China Statistics Publishers (Beijing), although they still are often printed at a provincial press. By 1988, I had been able to acquire copies of provincial yearbooks for over half of the provinces in China for the year 1987 (statistics for the year 1986) and these provincial yearbooks were beginning to include some statistics for the counties and county-level cities within the provinces. This was occurring rather late in my career, but having been denied ample detailed statistical data for the Chinese economy for over three decades, I was willing to grasp at any straw. Thus, I began what than seemed a plausible project: acquire all the provincial yearbooks I could and extract the statistics for the counties and county-level cities they contained. [4] In this manner I had hoped to build up a data bank, admittedly a biased one, but a sample of economic statistics for county-level units in China. At first, this project had seemed plausible because not all the provincial yearbooks contained statistics for the counties and county-level cities in that particular province and, for those yearbooks that did include these statistics, the number of variables reported on was not very large. There was no question but that the missing variables and missing data problems would seriously restrict or bias my use of the statistics being collected by this means. Those desiring complete coverage, were collecting the statistics for the 30 provincial-level administrative units which were becoming readily available with the publication of these provincial statistical yearbooks. [5] However, these provinces are often larger than European countries, i.e., the statistics collected were at a very high level of aggregation. With over 2,000 county-level administrative units in China, quantitative reports on a limited number of important variables for just half those units would be a data set I could not have dreamed of only a few years earlier. Of course, it was much easier to collect and enter data for 30 reporting units than for over 2,000 reporting units and the sources for the former were much more numerous and available than those for the latter. Despite my efforts and assumptions made in the mid-1980's, by the end of the 1980's it was becoming clear that the attempt to extract the statistics for the country-level units from the provincial statistical yearbooks was becoming a full time job, with no time to do any thing else, let alone analyze the data being collected. All the provincial statistical yearbooks were now readily available, almost all of them were including statistics for the county-level units, and the number of variables being reported on for these county-level units was increasing with each passing year. In fact, by the end of the 1980's, the release of economic and social statistics from China was becoming a flood and no one person would be able to manage more than a small portion of the statistics being released. In one short decade we had gone from too limited an access to statistics for China to having too many statistics being made available. Certainly some effort to gain control of these statistics so we could utilize them in our analyses of developments in China was called for. But by whom? and how? Formation of CITAS I doubt I would have found an answer to these questions myself and my investment of time and money would have ultimately proved fruitless. Fortunately, in the Fall of 1991, Prof. William Skinner (University of California, Davis) sent me a copy of a proposal for a China Disaggregated Data Bank he was presenting to the ACLS-SSRC Joint Committee on Chinese Studies, asking if I would care to comment on and add my support to his proposal. Essentially, the proposal called for an interdisciplinary and multi-national effort to develop a China GIS (Geographic Information System) which would collect the available county-level statistics and make them location specific on a digitized map of China (also using the county-level administrative level as the basic unit). This neatly married Prof. Skinner's effort to make location an important variable in analyses of developments in China with my efforts to collect the county-level statistics being published by the Chinese. Thanks to Prof. Skinner's initiative, his efforts resulted in a group of interested China scholars meeting with CIESIN (Consortium for International Earth Sciences Information Network) to form CITAS (China in Time and Space) that would organize and supervise the efforts to develop the proposed China GIS (Geographic Information System)6 The management of the CITAS China GIS was to be carried out at the University of Washington, while acting as subcontractors, Prof. Skinner would develop and contribute the data he was working with in connection with his own research projects at the University of California, Davis, and I would supervise the data entry of the county-level statistics made available in the provincial statistical yearbooks. CIESIN provided the funding for our efforts in the first two years with funds they obtained from NASA. They also will be a server for the GIS on the Internet when it is made available to the public. Funds made available by the Ford Foundation enabled us to continue our work for six months beyond the two years and we are now searching for funding to expand the data coverage in our CITAS 1990 China GIS and include a China GIS for other years. [7] The Provincial Yearbook County-level Data Entry Project at the U of M Under CITAS The discussion in the following section reports on the data entry work at the University of Michigan after that project became part of CITAS and a more detailed report on the results of that effort. The concluding section presents a rather personal evaluation of the county- level data that was entered into the CITAS China GIS from the provincial statistical yearbooks. While I may have made the initial efforts to acquire the various provincial yearbooks and to enter the country-level data they continued into a spread sheet format (files in Excel), the real breakthroughs in our work on this project at the University of Michigan has been due to our ability to find on campus an appropriately trained and very able person to be the project's Research Assistant, Ms. Huibin Cai from China. [8] Inasmuch as CITAS was aiming at a GIS for China in 1990 as their first product, we began to input the county-level statistics for 1990 found in the 1991 provincial statistical yearbooks. To do that, of course, we needed to develop the column labels (the variables) being restricted to eight characters (the limit for DOS filenames at the time). This was not too difficult in the beginning, but when the list of variables grew to over 2,000 it became a major task. [9] I had already developed variable names on the basis of the work I had done before joining the CITAS project. Ms. Huibin Cai then took over and added many of her own invention. We also were aided in out efforts when we acquired an extensive set of variable codes for the annual and monthly national-level statistics collected and distributed by the State Information Service of China, which is associated with the State Statistical Bureau. [10] The problem of the codes for the row variables, the county-level units, was easier to solve; we simply used the administrative GB codes used by the Chinese which gives every county- level unit in every year a GB code number. This is not to say the managers of the CITAS China GIS have had an easy time in resolving some the inconsistencies between the GB codes published by the Chinese and the county-level units designated in the provincial statistical yearbooks. However, we began by entering the row variable with the name of the county level unit in Pinyin, adding the GB code when they were provided to us by the CITAS China GIS data bank managers at the University of Washington. Thanks to the efforts of Ms. Huibin Cai, all the statistics for the county level units to be found in the provincial statistical yearbooks for the years 1990 and 1991 (i.e., the statistics in the 1991 and 1992 yearbooks, respectively) have now been entered. [11] The results of our efforts are shown in Table 1. [12] As can be seen, the size of the data bank for any one province varies greatly, from a very small 18K for Guizhou (1990) to 850 for Hebei (1990), with the total data bank in both 1990 and 1991 amounting to approximately 10MB. [13] In a preliminary attempt to estimate comparability in coverage among the provincial statistical yearbooks, we looked at the availability in each of the yearbooks for the 333 variables most commonly found in the statistics reported for provincial level administrative units. [14] The results of that survey are given below: Statistics are available for the counties in 29 provinces for the gross value of agricultural output; 28 provinces for total population and grain output; 25 provinces for oilseed output, for retail trade, and for cultivated area; 24 provinces for gross value of industrial output and local budget revenue; 22 provinces for non-agricultural population, for meat output, for local budget expenditures, and the gross value of crop output, of forestry output, of animal husbandry output, of sideline production, and of fishery output; and 20 provinces for students enrolled in middle schools. This means that only 17 variables are available in the statistics for the county-level units reported in two- thirds or more of the provincial statistical yearbooks in 1990. [15] Important Details on The Sources Used And How They Were Used Table 1 includes the code reference to the particular sources used, which are presented in Table 2. This type of documentation will be familiar to most academics as it follows the usual practice for footnoting sources used. Only a few comments are needed here, but they are important to keep in mind by anyone using the CITAS China 1990 GIS. The normal practice was to use the 1991 (or 1992) provincial statistical yearbooks for the source of entering the 1990 (or 1991) county-level data that yearbook contained. If we were lucky, the tables with the county-level data were to be found in a single section of the yearbook. However, as Table 2 makes clear, the county-level data often was to be found in tables scattered throughout the yearbook. All tables in the provincial statistical yearbooks were searched for any county-level data they may contain. It is important to note that the yearbooks often contained text describing developments in the county-level units of the province, text which may contain the same statistics that are found in the tables, but may also contain statistics that were not to be found in the tables. Thus, the provincial statistical yearbooks could yield additional county-level data to that we took from the tables and this would be our first choice for searching for additional statistics in an attempt to achieve complete coverage for each variable. In most cases, the 1990 county-level statistics came from the 1991 yearbooks, as reported above. However, if in the process of collecting the 1991 county-level statistics from the 1992 yearbooks it was discovered that the 1990 county-level statistics in the 1992 yearbooks differed from that reported in the 1991 yearbooks, the statistics published at the later date, i.e., the 1992 yearbook, was used to correct the statistics published earlier, i.e., in the 1991 yearbooks. Finally, as can be seen from the sources cited in Table 2, an exception was made to the practice of restricting our search for the county-level data to that found in the provincial statistical yearbooks: Jiangsu in 1991. In this case, a separate yearbook devoted solely to statistics for the county-level units was compiled and published by Jiangsu Province in 1992 (i.e., with data for 1991). Thus, the statistics in the data bank for Jiangsu in 1991 were taken from the later yearbook, as indicated in Table 2. [16] The Nature of the Statistics in the County-Level Data Bank Having gone through the trouble of assembling this data bank and including it in the CITAS China 1990 GIS (with the data entered in files for a China 1991 GIS as well), some comment should be made as to the usefulness and reliability of these statistics. I believe much unproductive time is spent on methodological arguments and debates over data reliability and argue that the proof is in the pudding, i.e., reliability is a relative term, which depends on what you want to use the statistics for, how you use the statistics, what results are obtained, and what alternative sources of statistics are available. Obviously, the use of these statistics would vary from individual to individual and the options will also vary with their different uses. Nonetheless, some valid generalizations can be (and should be made) as a warning to any would be user of the CITAS China 1990 GIS (and the China 1991 GIS, when that becomes available). Foremost in our evaluation of these statistics is the recognition they are collected and published as an integral part of the economic and political administrative bureaucracy and the primary function of those who work for the State Statistical Bureau is to provide this information according to a timetable for the decision-makers in the state's economic and political system. Historically, these "official" statistics are not collected for the purpose of academic research or for informing the public. Rather, these statistics had an operational role to play in the running of the economy and in making policy decisions. [17] Shortly after the State Statistical Bureau was established in the mid-1950's, its Director (Xue Muqiao) became engaged in a debate with Mao; the Director arguing statistics could play their assigned role best by reflecting reality accurately, achieving this by keeping the Bureau independent of the economic and political administrative bureaucracy and utilizing random sampling and other scientific statistical techniques. Mao did not lose many debates and, unfortunately, this one was important to him. To Mao, statistics were not factoids, but were part of the revolution and class warfare, their main purpose was to mobilize and incite people's efforts for the development of China. And, as in all other areas, there was to be no organization that was independent from political engagement and control. [18] Not only did the Director lose his job in favor of a more compliant Director, Chinese "official" statistics became hostage to the economic and political bureaucracy and that bureaucracy had a vested interest in what those statistics said. One of the most important hypotheses of information theory tell us that such a system will not produce a very accurate set of statistics, i.e., the statistics should be completely independent from the individual collecting them, who should be neutral as to what those statistics say, and the ultimate users should be unknown to those who collect the statistics. Just as with the principle of free markets, no individual should have any influence over the final outcome. Production units at the lowest level have departments or assigned workers to collect the statistics for that unit. These statistics are then packaged and reported to their superiors at a higher level. Obviously, those doing the collecting are not neutral to what the statistics report and they know full well who will be using them and for what purpose. With its revival after the 1970's, the State Statistical Bureau has tried to establish its own offices at lower levels to check on the statistics being collected within the units of production and also has tried to enforce uniform standards and forms for the reporting of statistics throughout China. These efforts have achieved some success, but have not changed the basic institutional organization for collecting and publishing the "official" statistics found in the statistical yearbooks. Thus, even today the State Statistical Bureau can claim to have in its possession only those statistics collected and kept at the county- level, a rather high level of aggregation even before the State Statistical Bureau begins to aggregate these statistics even further as they are passed up through each successive level of the bureaucratic hierarchy for reporting, i.e., to the Prefecture, the Province, and then the State level. This process of aggregation for the purpose of reporting provincial level totals and national level totals, of course, might result in offsetting differences from the truth being reported by lower levels. Yet, the deviations from the truth would tend to all run in the same direction, i.e., the reasons for underreporting or over reporting affecting all local units alike, causing the totals reported by higher levels to aggregate these deviations from the truth. This is one of the major reasons for wanting to collect the statistics for the county-level units rather than higher level units; this is the lowest level in the collection and reporting of the "official" statistics by the State Statistical Bureau. If the researcher wants the statistics for any lower level, they must go to the township-level units or the individual units of production and collect those statistics; the State Statistical Bureau does not possess them, they are kept by the local units themselves. [19] Finally, if the above were not enough cause for concern, the State Statistical Bureau does not collect all the statistics it publishes under its name. For example, the monetary sector and budget data are provided by the Ministry of Finance, while the Ministry of Agriculture collects and reports much of the rural and agricultural data. As for foreign trade statistics, the Customs Bureau keeps one set of books, while the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade keeps a separate and different (for definitional reasons) set of statistics. In fact, almost every ministry now publishes its own statistical yearbook. The State Statistical Bureau has complained about this need to rely on others for the statistics it publishes in the statistical yearbooks, as publication of the statistical yearbooks are often delayed due to the need to wait for other Ministries to release the statistics scheduled to be included in the yearbook.. From the several arguments as to the institutional organization and the process which produces the "official" statistics published in the provincial statistical yearbooks, it would be unreasonable to believe that these statistics have a terribly high degree of accuracy. But accuracy in the statistics we use in our analyses is a relative term and involve the analysist's judgment as to what the acceptable level of accuracy should be. Unless sophisticated sampling techniques are used, it is unlikely that any attempt in any country to acquire complete enumeration by means of statistical reports accumulated up through an administrative bureaucracy of any kind are likely to be "accurate." Thus, it becomes a matter of comparative evaluation in making a judgment as to the relative accuracy of the county-level statistics found in the official sources. Before we investigate this question, however, one further characteristic of the county-level statistics must be noted, i.e., the difference between the Soviet-type economic system statistics and our Western economic statistics. Quite simply, due to the needs of the planners and economic-decision makers in the Soviet-type economies, the demand was for reports on physical quantities of inputs and outputs. Because prices and values were less important to the planners (they could set prices at whatever level they desired), .less attention was paid to the value of inputs and outputs. In short, there was obviously a priority in what was important in the collection and publication of statistics and many of the statistics we are most interested in were of limited interest to the Chinese and that is a large reason we don't find them in our county-level data bank of county-level statistics taken from the provincial yearbooks. Furthermore, aggregates of economic activity were simply sums of the output in the five material producing sectors (agriculture, industry, construction, transportation, and commerce), while the service sectors and services within the five material producing sectors were ignored or explicitly excluded. This means that the totals for economic activity excluded some activities included in Western statistics for Gross Domestic Product and for National Income, while other activities were double counted, i.e., the iron mined was included in output of the mining sector (industry), and the value of the iron was included in the steel produced that is included in the value of industrial output, while the value of the steel is included in the value of the output of the truck - also included in the value of industrial output. In addition, depreciation was more an accounting entry with little relevance to the "using up" of the physical capital stock. Financial flows and profit and loss estimates were manipulated by the state authorities by merely adjusting the administered price system and planned credit allocations. Many categories of fixed capital investment statistics are available as these were related to construction projects which were of more importance to the planners than current levels of output. All this is currently changing, the Chinese scrapping their old system of social and economic accounting and adopting standard Western standards and definitions. Unfortunately, the year 1990 is a bit early to take full advantage of this change, but it is hard to fault the CITAS China 1990 GIS because it fails to include many variables of most interest to Western analysts. A last word of warning concerns the definition of the variables, i.e., what do the Chinese include when the say "industrial output," "capital construction investment," "grain output," etc. Probably not what we mean when we say industrial output, fixed investment, or grain output in our statistics. Thus, any user of the CITAS China 1990 GIS would be well advised to carefully check the definition of the variables, contained elsewhere in the documentation. Unfortunately, the provision of this documentation for all of the more than 2,000 variables is a most ambitious effort. While, the variable documentation provided with the initial release of the CITAS China 1990 GIS will include those definitions provided in the statistical yearbooks, many variables reported on in these yearbooks are not defined and a complete documentation for all the definitions must await a search in other publications of the State Statistical Bureau. Even though the definition may appear understandable from the variable itself, i.e., production of sewing machines, does this include only production in state-owned enterprises, only in enterprises under the Ministry of Light Industry, only in state-owned and cooperative enterprises at the county-level or above, only in independent accounting enterprises, and does it include sewing machines produced in workshops attached to garment enterprises? It should be clear that these definitions have much to do with the question of accuracy. Despite all these qualifications and warnings about the statistics included in the CITAS China 1990 GIS, the statistics that are included would seem to allow for a significant amount of meaningful social and economic analyses to be made of contemporary developments in China. Yet, we should be more forthcoming in our judgment concerning whether or not those variables included in the CITAS China 1990 GIS are accurate enough. The Question of Accuracy While the proof may be in the pudding (i.e., the judgment of the recipe and the cook depends upon the judgment of those who eat the pudding), those who would use the data in the CITAS China 1990 GIS deserve some prior assurances (from someone) that their willingness to devote the time and effort to acquire the knowledge and resources so they can use these statistics in their analyses of developments in China has some promise of paying off. Perhaps no Western economist has put the "official" statistics collected and published by the State Statistical Bureau to as many different tests as has Prof. Gregory Chow of Princeton University. Prof. Chow is an acknowledged expert in econometrics, is well-trained in economic theories, and is very knowledgeable about China's economy. He has been most active in visiting China and meeting with representatives of the State Statistical Bureau, giving lectures and seminars in China, and in publishing statistical analyses of the Chinese economy - analyses which rely on statistics provided by the State Statistical Bureau. [20] Although somewhat dated (1986), his article on "Chinese Statistics" remains a useful evaluation of the quality of the statistics published by the State Statistical Bureau. [21] According to Prof. Chow, compared with the developed countries, China's statistics are limited in scope because they lack the trained personnel that is available in the developed countries and because some of the statistics collected are considered as state secrets and not published. As for the quality of the statistics that are published, their quality may be judged as poor due to such reasons as the lack of qualified statistical personnel and the fact that the statistics collected are biased due their use by the authorities in determining rewards (both positive and negative), promotions (both up and down), assignments (both targets to be achieved and resources to be received) to be given to the local unit that begin the process of collecting the statistics, and the monopoly of the State Statistical Bureau over the collection and reporting of statistics in China. On the positive side, Prof. Chow felt that the degree of central control down to the lowest level was an argument in favor of the Chinese ability to collect better statistics than was true for the developing countries. Finally, Prof. Chow concludes those statistics which involve mere counting and are not influenced by political pressures from above are "less likely to be in error," but statistics that require technical sophistication to collect "may be subject to question."(p106) Obviously many changes took place in regard to the collection and publishing of statistics in China between 1986 and 1991 (and 1992), when the statistics included in our CITAS China 1990 (and 1991) GIS were published. Along with the other indicators of China's modernization, the supply of qualified statisticians has increased, the reasons for reporting false statistics has been decreased, the scope of the statistics reported has increased, and they are more readily accessed in numerous publications. On the negative side, however, the State Statistical Bureau still holds a monopoly over the collection and reporting of statistics in China and a law was passed to make it a crime to violate this monopoly control. [22] More important than these considerations, however, is a point that was made by Prof. Chow in his 1986 article; the Chinese provide very weak documentation as to the method used to collect and report the statistics published. What is included, what is excluded, what prices were used and how were they computed, etc. Obviously, as with other aspects of China's modernization, they are getting better on the problem of documentation and an extensive research effort, especially a visit to the State Statistical Bureau and an interview with a representative of the Bureau, now could possibly provide the necessary documentation. On the other hand, the Chinese have a long way to go to achieve the type of documentation that is readily provided by most developed countries with their official statistical publications. Finally, a contemporary development as a result of the economic reforms has greatly weakened the State Statistical Bureau's ability to collect and publish good statistics with complete coverage for the Chinese economy - the significant increase in the decentralized and marketized sectors of the economy. The strict control of the state over local units and its ability to require accurate statistical reports from those lower levels is seriously weakened. Thus, the State Statistical Bureau has to rely on samples, spot checks, tax reports, transit point reports, etc. to estimates activities at the local level and some of these means are as biased as the former reports collected up the administrative hierarchy. While all of the above arguments may be factors that must be born in mind when trying to reach a judgment about the quality of the statistics in the CITAS China 1990 GIS, they do not provide us with the answer we seek - are the statistics good enough (i.e., how does the pudding taste when we use the statistics provided by the State Statistical Bureau as ingredients). It is the results of Prof. Chow's frequent use of these statistics in his econometric analyses that provides the best encouragement to the would-be user of our CITAS China 1990 GIS. Four of his articles deserve special attention in this regard. In "Economic Analysis of The People's Republic of China," Prof. Chow uses the official statistics (both national level and provincial level) to estimate production functions, consumption behavior, supply reactions to price changes in agriculture, the quantity theory of money equation, and a multiplier-accelerator model of growth. [23] In "Capital Formation and Economic Growth in China," he uses the statistics published in the Statistical Yearbooks of China to estimates the aggregate production function for the five major material producing sectors. [24] Then, in "A Model of Chinese National Income Determination," he again estimates an accelerator-multiplier model of income determination for China for the period 1952-1982 with statistics published by the State Statistical Bureau in 1983.25 Finally, in "Money and Price Level Determination in China," Prof. Chow uses the statistics published in the Statistical Yearbooks of China to analyze both a long-run and a short-run model of price determination. [26] Prof. Chow's major objective in these articles was to show that modern economic theories were applicable and useful for analyzing the Chinese economy, despite the differences in institutional and behavioral characteristics between China and the developed capitalist economies of the West. In other words, the estimation of econometric models based on the theories of modern, Western economics yielded estimates for the parameters of these models that were rational and consistent with what was known about the Chinese economy and the fit between the models and the statistics was relatively good, i.e., resulted in high coefficients of correlation. This extent and rigor in testing the data published by the State Statistical Bureau is quite convincing in arguing that the data is good enough for our purposes, i.e., they produce estimates that make sense and compare well with the many tests of similar econometric models for other economies. Yet, it is important to understand exactly what the above evidence argues. The statistics used by Prof. Chow were aggregates for all of China or for the individual provinces (many as large as European countries) and these aggregates were tested in estimating macro-economic models. For example, the models developed by Prof. Chow predicted aggregate behavior for the relationship between the total money supply and the average price level; the relationship between total inputs of land, labor, and capital and total output in the agricultural sector, the industrial sector, and the construction sector; and the relationship between total consumption and national income. These statistics met this test rather well and we can feel even greater comfort in that our CITAS China 1990 GIS has statistics for the county- level unit, which is at a much lower level of aggregation than the province. The Question of Alternatives Even if the results of Prof. Chow's estimations were less satisfactory, however, the use of poor quality statistics has been justified in studies of economies throughout the world, including the United States, on the grounds that their are no better statistics available. With its monopoly over the collection and publication of the official statistics in China, which continues to this day, it is unlikely that an alternative source of these aggregate, macro-statistics will be available anytime in the near future. As in any economy throughout the world, macro-statistics are indeed the province of the government or government-created institutions and the quantity, quality, and availability of those statistics also varies widely throughout the world. We have argued above that these macro-statistics in the case of China would appear to support reasonable analyses of economic and social developments in that country. While smaller than the province, the average county in China is still quite large, i.e., there are approximately 3,000 counties, county-level cities, and county-level districts within cities, or approximately 400,000 people per county-level unit. Thus, the user of the CITAS China 1990 GIS is working with aggregates or averages for rather large units and the argument that these statistics "may be good enough" applies only to their use in macro-models of the type developed in Prof. Chow's work. When it comes to analyses of the behavior or performance of individual units, i.e., the household, the firm, and the individual, we need much more micro-level data, even the tabular data for the individual units. A good illustration of this problem is the many studies of the impact of the economic reforms in China on the efficiency of the individual enterprise. Initially, the available macro-statistics were used to estimate this impact; clearly a violation of the appropriate rules of hypothesis testing in Western scientific analysis. How can one argue about the changes in the efficiency of THE firm without firm specific data that allows you to control for location, size, output mix, prices of inputs and outputs, etc. Using the average level of inputs and outputs, average prices, average size, etc., of the several thousand producing units in a given county is clearly not appropriate. Because macro-level statistics are often more readily available, or possibly the only statistics available, the use of macro-level statistics to answer micro-level questions is probably the norm, but this does not make it correct. [27] Even, if the statistics were to be perfectly accurate, the estimates they produced could well be in error. [28] It was in recognition of this problem, i.e., that the official statistics collected and published by the State Statistical Bureau were not very useful in analyzing many of the economic problems they faced, that a quite separate statistical collecting enterprises was founded after 1978: the collection of samples of unit specific statistics. This activity has now grown into a full-scale industry, with Chinese research units collecting such samples for their own research projects, other semi-official institutions offering to collect such samples for foreign researchers for a fee, and individual domestic and foreign researchers collecting their own samples of statistics for their research projects. These samples are sometimes made available to Western academics and it is possible to find research articles published both within China and abroad that cite their access and use of these samples. While these samples suffer most frequently from their small size and their biases, it is clear to this author that their quality is better than the macro- statistics collected and published by the State Statistical Bureau and they are much more appropriate for most of the micro-questions being raised by the researcher. If this ever growing body of statistics to be found in the many samples collected for the individual units in China are felt to be of a better quality and a more appropriate data base for analyzing micro questions about developments in contemporary China, why didn't we use them in our CITAS China 1990 GIS? The answer is really quite simple. Our GIS is for the entire land surface of China and for a wide variety of social and economic variables. These samples are not only narrowly focused on particular variables, more important they are often site specific and do not represent a sample of local units for the country as a whole. There are complete censuses and large samples that do cover the entire country, but the tabular data (the data for the individual units) are either not available at all (are classified as secret), are available only for a rather exorbitant price, or are made available in a form that does not identify the data for a particular unit with its location. [29] Yet, there is some promise of a better opportunity in the future. For example, the 10 percent sample of the population census and some other rather large and national-wide samples are being made available to some groups and researchers and where those have become available they are being included in our CITAS China 1990 GIS. In other words, to achieve its full potential, the CITAS China 1990 GIS of the future would not rely so heavily as it does now on the county-level data collected and published by the State Statistical Bureau. Rather, nation- wide samples where the observations for the various variables can be identified with a particular type of local unit at a given location, hopefully, should come to dominate our CITAS China 1990 GIS. Concluding Remarks This is our hope for the future, but given what was available and possible, we firmly believed it is best to begin now: to collect what official statistics were available, but to focus on the county-level administrative unit - the lowest level in the official statistical hierarchy; to make those statistics available in a format that would be most useful to any scholar engaged in the study of contemporary developments on China, whether they are China specialists or not; and to utilize as out format a GIS which makes explicit the relationship between location and social and economic developments in China, i.e., to make location an explicit variable in our analyses if these developments. In these Comments for the CITAS 1990 Data Files we have tried to explain the origins and reasons for our collecting the county-level data bank, both before and after the organization of CITAS; the sources of the statistics in the data bank and their limitations and weaknesses; and our judgment as to their accuracy and the availability of alternative sources of data. Obviously, this first step in our efforts to provide a CITAS China 1990 GIS does serve two important purposes very well. It has collected the available county-level statistics from the Provincial Yearbooks and placed them in a machine-readable format that is accessible and usable by any interested individual scholar. To that extent, at least, individuals working in isolation do not have to replicate out efforts. We have already extracted the county-level statistics for 1991 found in the 1992 Provincial Yearbooks and, with additional funds, will proceed to do the same for 1992, 1993, etc. [30] This will provide a considerable sample of official county-level statistics that will allow for significant projects in both cross- section and longitudinal analyses of social and economic developments in contemporary China. This was my original objective when I began to extract the county-level statistics from the Provincial Yearbooks several years ago. But our CITAS China 1990 GIS makes a much more significant contribution that just the provision of the sample of county-level statistics in the Provincial Yearbooks. The major contribution is to place these statistics in a GIS which relates all the statistics to a particular location on a map of China. This, combined with the layers for topography, hydrology, transportation, settlements, cultural characteristics, the hierarchy of urban places, and the boundaries for the core and periphery of the economic regions of China place these county-level statistics in their very rich and important geographic environment. This is the core purpose of a GIS and was the major purpose behind Prof. Skinner's efforts in the CITAS project. There will, of course, be those who desire to use the CITAS China 1990 GIS merely for the sample of county-level statistics to use as gist in their mills for estimating multiple regression equations and there will be those who use the GIS merely for the purpose of generating very impressive and colorful maps, but those uses of our GIS will sadly deny the tremendous opportunity provided by the marriage of advanced computer software technology and our painstaking efforts, i.e., to move our analyses of developments in China to a much higher plane - to bring location and environment into our analysis. Few who are knowledgeable about developments in contemporary China would deny the importance of location and environment: it is an explanatory variable which belongs in our analyses. We hope we have made doing so easier. FOOTNOTES * This document contains Chinese Characters, generated by TwinBridge Chinese Partner for Windows 4.0. If your computer cannot read and display Chinese characters, don't worry; the Pin-yin romanization and English translation for all Chinese citations are also included. [1] First Five Year Plan for Development of the National Economy of the People's Republic of China (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1956). State Statistical Bureau, Ten Great Years, Statistics of the Economic and Cultural Achievements of the People's Republic of China (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1960). [2] 1981 1982 (Guojia Tongjiju Bian, Zhongguo Tongji Nian Jian: 1991 {Beijing: Guojia Tongji Chubanshe, 1982}) [Edited by the State Statistical Bureau, China Statistical Yearbook: 1981 (Beijing: China Statistics Publishers, 1982)] Although published in 1982, the first Statistical Yearbook of China carried 1981 in its title as the statistics in the yearbook referred to the year 1981. All later yearbooks in the Statistical Yearbook series had the year they were published in their title, the statistics they contained being for the previous year. The first yearbook in the series contained over 500 pages and measured 5 1/2 by 8 inches. The 1994 edition contains just under 1,000 pages and measures 7 1/2 by 10 1/2 inches. The latest edition also is the first edition to carry table headings and labels in both Chinese and English and the explanatory notes are in both languages. See 1994 1994 (Guojia Tongjiju Bian, Zhongguo Tongji Nianjian: 1994 {Beijing: Zhongguo Tongji Chubanshe, 1994}) [Edited by the State Statistical Bureau, China Statistical Yearbook: 1994 (Beijing: China Statistics Publishers, 1994)]. [3] The earliest provincial statistical yearbook I have in my collection is the Hunan Province Statistical Yearbook for 1982, published, July, 1984. 1982 1984 (Hunansheng Tongjiju Bian, Hunansheng Tongji Nianjian: 1982 {Changsha: Hunan Renmin Chubanshe, 1984}) [Edited by the Hunan Province Statistical Bureau, Hunan Province Statistical Yearbook: 1982 (Changsha: Hunan People's Publishers, 1984)] [4] My effort to acquire all the provincial-level statistical yearbooks continues and, although I do not have complete coverage, if my current orders for provincial yearbooks are filled, I should have over 90 per cent of the 210 volumes for the years 1987-1994. I also hope to xerox copies of the provincial yearbooks that are missing from my collection, but held by libraries and others in the US, in the near future in order to acquire a complete colletion. I wish to thank Ms. He Xiaobin, Direcctor, Export Department, China National Publishers Import-Export Corporation, for her most generous help, not only in supplying current issues of the yearbooks, but also in obtaining several volumes I did not have for the earlier years. I would also like to thank CITAS, U.of Washington, for a small grant which provided partial support for obtaining these yearbooks. When my project is finished, I plan to house these yearbooks in the Asian Library of the University of Michigan, where they will be available for research by others (there is a wealth of data and information in these volumes besides the statistics for the county-level units in each province). [5] In 1990, the State Statistical Bureau and its publishing house brought out a volume which published the economic and social statistics for each province in a uniform format of over 330 variables for the years 1949- 1989. 1949-1989 1990 (Guojia Tongjiju Zonghe Si, Quanguo Ge Sheng, Zizhiqu, Zhixiashi Lishi Tongji Ziliao Huibian: 1949-1989 {Beijing: Zhongguo Tongji Chubanshe, 1990}) [Compilation Department of the State Statistical Bureau, Compilation of Historical Statistical Materials for Each Province, Autonomous Region, and Minicipality for The Whole Country: 1949-1989 (Beijing: China Statistics Publishers, 1990)] [6] The history and details of the organization of CITAS is to be found in another part of the documentation. [7] The CITAS CHINA 1990 GIS consists of the base map. with county boundaries, layers of geographic information, and the social and economic data for county-level units for 1990. In addition, we also have all county boundary changes from 1982 to 1992 and the Provincial Yearbook County-level data bank for 1991. [8] Ms. Huibin Cai received her BA in Electrical Engineering from Fuzhou University and was a researcher at the Research Center for Eco- Environmental Sciences, the Chinese Academy of Sciences, before coming to the United States. Her contribution to our project, including help in setting up the GIS and making it operational on our PCs here at the University of Michigan cannot be overestated. [9] The labels for the variables in CITAS China 1990 GIS will be those chosen and specified by those managing the CITAS China 1990 GIS project at the University of Washington and the definition of these labels are reported on elsewhere in the documentation. To enter the data in a spread sheet format (EXCEL) at the University of Michigan, however, we could not wait until the "official" set of labels had been chosen, but had to develop our own; a task which took a large part of our efforts in developing the county-level data bank from statistics in the provincial statistical yearbooks.. [10] These disks are distributed by the State Information Center of China and the variable codes are in MEAS Index Code Handbook, State Information Center of China, November, 1991. MEAS stands for Macro- Economic Application System of China. [11] One exception is statistics for the county-level units in Tibet in 1991. We are still trying to acquire the statistical yearbook for the Tibet Autonomous Region in 1992, but this exception for 1991 does not affect the complete coverage for the county-level statistics in the provincial yearbooks for the CITAS China 1990 GIS. [12] Table 1 refers to the machine-readable data bank created at the University of Michigan that was turned over to CITAS to be entered into the CITAS China GIS. Thus, Table 1 refers to EXCEL files (each file was restricted to a particular province and sector of the economy; the different files being for the following different sectors - natural resources, social indicators, population, labor, investment, public finance, prices, people's livelihood, agriculture, industry, energy, transport and communications, construction, domestic trade, foreign trade, banking, city construction and environment projects, education and culture, and health and welfare. In the CITAS China GIS, these files are combined into a single national file, i.e., all the provinces, for each of the above sectors. [13] It should be borne in mind that our efforts were restricted to the statistics for county-level administrative units found in the provincial statistical yearbooks. This proved to be a special problem in the case of Shanghai. Unfortunately, the county-level administrative units were combined for the Shanghai Municipality as a whole in most of the statistics reported in the Shanghai Statistical Yearbooks; when the totals for Shanghai Municipality were broken down into lower units, the statistics grouped into three subunits ( the metropolitan area , the suburban districts, and the counties) and statistics were not reported for the individual districts and counties. Only in the case of agriculture were statistics reported for the individual counties and the two urban districts in which agricultural activities took place within the Shanghai Municipality. There are, of course, provincial economic yearbooks, provincial almanacs, and the individual county-level units themselves are now publishing their own statistical yearbooks. Thus, if one were to spend more time in searching all these sources, it could be possible to expand the county-level data bank to several times its current size. Once the basic CITAS 1990 China GIS is ready for initial distribution and use, of course, additional county-level data can be entered to expand its coverage. But as Mao said, a march of a thousand li begins with a single step. (We feel we have taken more than a single step, but it is true that we have just begun a never ending process in the early stages of the new age of information systems). [14] These were the variables included in the uniform format used to report the statitstics for each province that were published in the source cited in footnote 5, above. [15] It is important to note that districts within large cities also rank as county-level units, but that the yearbooks that included statistics for the county-level units in a particular province did not always include statistics for the districts within a city, although statistics for the city as a whole are available. This poses a serious problem in trying to achieve complete coverage, even within those provinces that do report the statistics for their county-level units, but not the districts within large cities. [16] For this source for Jiangsu, see the citation in Table 2. While I have not made an extensive effort to acquire these provincial statistical yearbooks which are devoted solely to the reporting of statistics for the county-level units, those I have acquired include: 1990 1990 (Jiangsusheng Tongjiju Bian, Jiangsusheng Shi Xian Jingji: 1990 Nian (Beijing: Zhongguo Tongji Chubanshe, 1990}) [Edited by the Jiangsu Provincial Statistical Bureau, 1990 Economic Yearbook of the Counties and Cities in Jiangsu (Beijing: China Statistics Publishers, 1990)]. 1993 no place: 1993 (Jiangsusheng Tongjiju Bian, Jiangsu Shi Xian Jingji: 1993 {no place: Jiangsusheng Xin Xinwen Chubanju Pizhun Chuban, 1993}) [Edited by the Jiangsu Province Statistical Bureau, 1993 Economic Yearbook of the Counties and Cities in Jiangsu (no place:Publication sanctioned by the Jiangsu Province Happy News Publishers, 1993). 1990 1990 (Hebeisheng Renmin Zhengfu Ban Gongting Gen Hebeisheng Tongjiju Bian, Hebeisheng Xian Zhen Nianjian: 1990 {Beijing: Zhongguo Tongji Chubanshe, 1990}) [Edited by The General Office of the Hebei Provincial Government and the Hebei Province Statistical Bureau, 1990 Yearbook of the Counties and Towns in Hebei (Beijing: China Statistics Publishers, 1990) 1980-1990 1991 (Guangdongsheng Tongjiju Bian, Guangdongsheng Xian (Qu) Guomin Jingji Tongji Ziliao: 1980-1990 {no place: Guo Guanjiang Jiangxi Yichun Ziliao Yinshua Chang, 1991}) [Edited by the Guangdong Provincial Statistical Bureau, National Economic and Statistical Materials : Counties (and Districts) in Guangdong Province, 1980-1990 (no place: State-run Jiangxi Yichun Reference Printers, 1991) If the reader has knowledge of additional volumes of this type, i.e., provincial statistical yearbooks devoted solely to the statistics for the county-level administrative units in that province, I would appreciate a message to that effect. My email address is rdernber@umich. edu. [17] At a meeting at the State Planning Commission, I heard an official of the State Statistical Bureau plead with his Western critics to understand his dilemna. He said he knew the various criticisms being made and the dessirability of carrying our statistical checks and tests, as well as collecting large unbiased samples, for the purpose of verifying the "official" statistics released by the State Stataistical Bureau. On the other hand, his job was to take the statistical reports being received from lower level units (often late) and merge them into aggregates for the statistical reports to be submitted to the State Council in time for their next meeting . In fact, he implied there was an extensive schedule of these reports and the dates they were due and additional requests form the decision-makers were being received all the time. Thus, it is little wonder the annual statistical yearbooks often appear some eight or nine months after the end of the year. [18] Lenin had made the same argument in the 20s about Soviet planning. When some argued for scientific planning that would use forecasting and mathematics, Lenin denounced the idea and thought that putting intellectuals in charge of these decisions and placing them outside the economic and political administrative bureaucracy would pose a threat to the revolution. [19] A very informative example of an attempt to collect the statistics held by the local level, is the attempt by Stephen Butler, and then Louis Putterman, to obtain the statistics kept by the accountants for the almost 100 production teams, the basic unit in China's collectivized agriculture, in a single commune in Hebei Province. This effort resulted in the collection of the desired statistics for the years 1970-1985. The information provided by this effort is almost as significant as the statistics obtained. The individual team's statistics were in the account books kept by the team's accountant and were the property of the accountant, i.e., they were the accountant's responsibility. To obtain the statistics, the accountants had to be tracked down and what Butler brought back to the University of Michigan was a travel bag filled with hand-copied pages from the account books. To be complete, it was necessary to track down one former accountant, then living in Shanghai, and get a copy of the account book in his possession. The point being made: at the local level, the statistics being kept were not part of the state's administration responsibility, but were kept by accountants or statisticians who were responsibility to the economic unit to which they belonged, submitting reports on behalf of that unit to higher levels, where eventually they were included in the aggregate numbers reported at the county level to the local bureau or office of the State Statistical Bureau. A second lesson learned from this effort was that it was common to keep two sets of books, the statistics to be reported to higher levels and the statistics reflecting reality. By the time Putterman arrived at the Commune, the reform period was underway and the rural areas were under a much more liberal and decentralized policy regime. Thus, the commune authorities saw no problem in giving Putterman both the official statistics and the unofficial statistics they kept. Finally, the statistics collected from this effort end with 1985, as by that time the commune had become a township and a large portion of activities in the rural areas had been convereted into household or individual activities for market sale. Thus, by 1985, accountants or statisticians at the local level had lost control over the statistics they were supposed to keep and had to relp on sampling, the tax bureaus, self-reporting, written receipts, etc. See Louis Putterman, Continuity & Change in China's Rural Development: Collective & Reform Eras in Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), especially Chapter 3, Dahe Township, pp. 82-121. All of the statistics obtained from Dahe Commune, both official and unofficial, are available on floppy disks from the Publications Office, Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan. [20] A collection of eighteen of his articles on China's economy has been recently published under the title, Understanding China's Economy. See Gregory C. Chow, Understanding China's Economy (New Jersey: World Scientific Publishing Co., 1994). [21] Gregory Chow, Chinese Statistics," in Gregory Chow, Understanding China's Economy, op. cit., pp. 101-111. This article was originally published in The American Statistician, vol. 40, No. 3 (August, 1986), pp. 191-196. [22] When the China Center at the University of Michigan was negotiating with the Institute of Economics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, in 1988 over a questionaire we were going to administer to industrial enterprises for our collaborative study of the impact of the economic reforms on the enterprise, our colleagues from China kept reminding us that this questionaire had to be approved and administered by the State Statistical Bureau. This did not prove to be a major problem, however. Even today (1995), any research institute that wants to collect a sample by means of questionaires must obtain approval from higher authorities. [23] Gregory Chow, Economic Analyses of the Poeple's Republic of China, in Gregory Chow, Understanding China's Economy, op. cit., pp. 124-134. This article was originally published in The Journal of Economic Education, vol. 19 (Winter 1988). [24] Gregory Chow, "Capital Formation and Economic Growth," in Gregory Chow, Understanding China's Economy, op. cit., pp. 193-222. This article originally appeared in The Quarterly Journal of Economics, August, 1993, pp. 809-842. [25] Gregory Chow, "A Model of Chinese National Income Determination," in Gregory Chow, Understanding China's Economy, op. cit., pp. 223-231. [26] Gregory Chow, "Money and Price Level Determination in China," in Gregory Chow, Understanding China's Economy, op. cit., pp. 232-246. This article was published in Journal of Comparative Economics, vol. 11, (1987), pp. 319-333. [27] Faced with the lack of firm specific data with which to test changes in efficience of the firm, in the mid-1950s, Prof. Robert Solow presented a brief and simple model for using the available macro data to estimate changes in "total factor productivity. That model has become the standard for estimating changes in productivity in Chinese enterprises as a result of the economic reforms, although few remember that in his original article Prof. Solow admitted there was no intellectual basis for what he was proposing; he was just trying to use the statistics available to get an estimate of changes in productivity and the only defense of his proposed method was that you either accepted it or you did not. Although economists had preached the theory of the gains from trade for over a century, it was not until the World Bank collected a firm specific data bank for Chile for a period of years that straddled a change in tariff regimes and allowed a PhD student from the University of Michigan, Ms. Lili Liu, to use that data set to test the impact of the reductions in tariffs on the efficiency of the firm that economists could show conclusively that due to the increased competition from foreign enterprises, inefficient enterises closed, the enterprises that remained became more efficient, and the new entrants were more efficient as well. [28] To give just a simple example of the problem, lets take the case where large scale enterprises are much more efficient than small scale enterprises and enterprises producing motors are much more efficient than enterprises producing automobiles. If after the reforms, the number of small-scale enterprises and enterprises producing automobiles were reduced and the number large-scale enterprises and enterprises producing motors were increased, even if the efficiency in all enterprises fell, it is possible that the use of totals for the average enterprise would show an increase in efficiency. [29] Take, for instance, the industrial census of 1985, a complete census of state enterprises throughout the China. Although several more detailed versions have circulated internally. the published version made available to the public was in eleven volumes. One volum,e reported on the identity of each of the enterprises, one volume presented the statistics for employment, another for capital stock, one fore output mix, etc. One volume reported on the statistics for the individual counties, which did include some useful information on the enterprises in a particular county, but there was no way to relate the enterprises reported in the volume on location with their statistics on employment, capital stock, output mix, etc. reported in the other volumes. [30] The year 1990 was chosen for us by the availability of a county- boundary map that was digitized by the Chinese and for which we had permission to distributed it as part of our CITAS China GIS. Our Chinese collaborators also have providd us with all county boundary changes from 1982 through 1992 and it would be possible for us to develop and distribute a CITAS China GIS for those years as well. The county-level statistics available in the Provincial Yearbooks are much less detailed and plentiful before 1990, howwever, and it was decided to move forward in entering the county-level statistics from the Provincial Yearbooks for more recent years. The statistics for 1991 and now available and work is proceeding on the preparation of a CITAS China 1991 GIS at the present time.
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